THERE was a time when the African Union (AU) articulated a compelling vision of a reborn continent, free of large-scale political violence and dictatorships.
But that vision appears to have fast faded, as shown by recent events where dictators still manage to remain in office.
And there’s not a word of chastisement from the continental body.
The latest was the re-election of Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni in controversial circumstances.
The violence in the run-up to the poll and his detention of his main opponent serves as a stark reminder of the depth of the political problems facing the continent.
And there is a direct link between the dearth of democracy and slow economic progress, something we all need to be concerned about.
The re-election of Mr Museveni, who has been president since 1986, was marred by reports of voter intimidation and opposition bullying. Some observers have not been able to declare them free and fair due to suspicions of vote rigging amid an atmosphere of intimidation.
There was even a blackout of social media.
In neighbouring Burundi, Pierre Nkurunziza’s attempts at another term sparked a widespread unrest. In Rwanda moves are afoot to ensure that Paul Kagame can stand for a third term as president when his second, seven-year term expires next year.
It is not difficult to understand why the so-called strongmen have become fashionable again.
And as a continental association, the AU is once again in the grip of an old boys club — literally.
Robert Mugabe — in power since 1980 and who has just turned 92 — handed over chairmanship of the AU to Chad’s Idriss Deby last month. He has been in power since 1990.
Then there’s Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, president of Equatorial Guinea since 1979, who also got his shot at the chair in line with the policy of rotated responsibilities.
That people who have been in power as long as the likes of Mugabe have remained members and central figures of the AU, means it would be naïve to expect the AU to collectively cherish and meaningfully campaign for principles such as freedom and justice.
Their own records in office are in fact far from the ideals of the AU, which was relaunched with much fanfare in SA in 2002. It was expected to be a break from the ossified Organisation of African Unity (OAU) that would galvanise the members and move the continent away from its war-torn and violent past.
There were a few positive steps early on, with the vision of an African renaissance articulated by Thabo Mbeki, when he was still president, and the establishment of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development.
Crucially, it is because of the fading of the peer-review mechanism that the old problems keep coming back. This mechanism was meant to help member states critique each other, so that the good stories of Africa’s development could be replicated and the bad ones rooted out.
The AU has since slid back into dangerous old habits and is in danger of becoming the OAU yet again.
Dictators are gaining a semblance of legitimacy at the expense of their citizens.
SA ought to be an influential body in continental politics due to its position as the second biggest economy. But our record has been dismal.
Human rights and justice no longer form the backbone of our foreign policy.
Instead of being the continent’s beacon of hope, we have just become part of the voting fodder at institutions such as the AU, or sometimes direct protectors of dictators.
That was the case when our government helped Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir evade justice last year.
Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. Picture: REUTERS
THERE was a time when the African Union (AU) articulated a compelling vision of a reborn continent, free of large-scale political violence and dictatorships.
But that vision appears to have fast faded, as shown by recent events where dictators still manage to remain in office.
And there’s not a word of chastisement from the continental body.
The latest was the re-election of Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni in controversial circumstances.
The violence in the run-up to the poll and his detention of his main opponent serves as a stark reminder of the depth of the political problems facing the continent.
And there is a direct link between the dearth of democracy and slow economic progress, something we all need to be concerned about.
The re-election of Mr Museveni, who has been president since 1986, was marred by reports of voter intimidation and opposition bullying. Some observers have not been able to declare them free and fair due to suspicions of vote rigging amid an atmosphere of intimidation.
There was even a blackout of social media.
In neighbouring Burundi, Pierre Nkurunziza’s attempts at another term sparked a widespread unrest. In Rwanda moves are afoot to ensure that Paul Kagame can stand for a third term as president when his second, seven-year term expires next year.
It is not difficult to understand why the so-called strongmen have become fashionable again.
And as a continental association, the AU is once again in the grip of an old boys club — literally.
Robert Mugabe — in power since 1980 and who has just turned 92 — handed over chairmanship of the AU to Chad’s Idriss Deby last month. He has been in power since 1990.
Then there’s Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, president of Equatorial Guinea since 1979, who also got his shot at the chair in line with the policy of rotated responsibilities.
That people who have been in power as long as the likes of Mugabe have remained members and central figures of the AU, means it would be naïve to expect the AU to collectively cherish and meaningfully campaign for principles such as freedom and justice.
Their own records in office are in fact far from the ideals of the AU, which was relaunched with much fanfare in SA in 2002. It was expected to be a break from the ossified Organisation of African Unity (OAU) that would galvanise the members and move the continent away from its war-torn and violent past.
There were a few positive steps early on, with the vision of an African renaissance articulated by Thabo Mbeki, when he was still president, and the establishment of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development.
Crucially, it is because of the fading of the peer-review mechanism that the old problems keep coming back. This mechanism was meant to help member states critique each other, so that the good stories of Africa’s development could be replicated and the bad ones rooted out.
The AU has since slid back into dangerous old habits and is in danger of becoming the OAU yet again.
Dictators are gaining a semblance of legitimacy at the expense of their citizens.
SA ought to be an influential body in continental politics due to its position as the second biggest economy. But our record has been dismal.
Human rights and justice no longer form the backbone of our foreign policy.
Instead of being the continent’s beacon of hope, we have just become part of the voting fodder at institutions such as the AU, or sometimes direct protectors of dictators.
That was the case when our government helped Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir evade justice last year.
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