BUSINESSMAN Cyril Ramaphosa — once a popular trade unionist — has been caught up in the political crossfire following the Marikana massacre last week.
Considered one of SA’s most respected leaders, Mr Ramaphosa has now been lumped with union bosses and owners criticised for their poor response to the labour unrest at the platinum mine that turned deadly, with 34 people killed almost instantly.
The interpretation of the incident could see Mr Ramaphosa’s political image — that of a credible former workers’ leader — tarnished, as he now seems more at home among the "haves", and insensitive to the plight of the poor.
His company, Shanduka, is an empowerment partner of mining group Lonmin. Shanduka announced on Saturday that it would contribute R2m towards the burial of the 34 men who were killed.
"It is critical that all parties take meaningful steps to ensure that nothing of this nature ever happens again. For this reason, Shanduka Group supports a full and thorough investigation into the circumstances that gave rise to this incident," the company said.
But that was not before Julius Malema, former leader of the African National Congress (ANC) Youth League, laid the blame squarely at Mr Ramaphosa’s door.
Mr Malema said at the weekend that the Ramaphosa factor was the reason the police sided with big business in this deadly incident. "Lonmin had a high political connection. That is why our people were killed. They were killed to protect the shares of Cyril Ramaphosa," he said.
Mr Malema also raised as an "irony" that Mr Ramaphosa could afford an R18m buffalo but could not pay the R12,500 wages demanded by the striking workers.
Mr Malema has clearly been playing to the gallery, but his sentiments usually strike a chord among the poor and voiceless people he speaks to. The Lonmin incident — described by many as a massacre — will not endear Mr Ramaphosa to the poor.
The incident also puts him on the side of the rich and politically powerful and too far from the struggling miners he once led as general secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM).
However, if his image indeed suffers, Mr Ramaphosa will not be the only politician to pay a price. The incident has again exposed the gap between the poor and those who claim to speak for them.
This is an area that concerns some ANC leaders, as the gap between its official representatives in government and the communities they lead widens.
The ANC has historically relied on its alliance with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and allied unions, as these groups were the official voice of the working class.
But this gets complicated as leaders of the NUM, the biggest ANC-associated union, have been accused of spending their efforts on issues other than the primary interests of the miners.
Due to the distance between the NUM and the miners underground, those who would usually back the ANC now find themselves attracted to leaders of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union, which broke away from the NUM. The Lonmin saga has now lumped the ANC, the unions and party heavyweights such as Mr Ramaphosa on the side of the "establishment". With his wealth and elite business association, Mr Ramaphosa will no longer be regarded as a man of the people.
In the buildup to the ANC’s elections in Mangaung, Mr Ramaphosa is being courted by those campaigning for President Jacob Zuma’s re-election to stand as his deputy.
However, there is no sign yet that Mr Ramaphosa is readying himself for senior leadership, or whether he will throw in his lot with the Zuma camp. But the moment he raises his hand, the Lonmin saga, as an expression of distance between the elite and the poor, will most likely be put forward by the populists — who want Mr Zuma’s term to end — as one of the reasons he should not lead the ANC.
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